Please Help New English Review
For our donors from the UK:
New English Review
New English Review Facebook Group
Follow New English Review On Twitter
Recent Publications by New English Review Authors
The Literary Culture of France
by J. E. G. Dixon
Hamlet Made Simple and Other Essays
by David P. Gontar
Farewell Fear
by Theodore Dalrymple
The Eagle and The Bible: Lessons in Liberty from Holy Writ
by Kenneth Hanson
The West Speaks
interviews by Jerry Gordon
Mohammed and Charlemagne Revisited: The History of a Controversy
Emmet Scott
Why the West is Best: A Muslim Apostate's Defense of Liberal Democracy
Ibn Warraq
Anything Goes
by Theodore Dalrymple
Karimi Hotel
De Nidra Poller
The Left is Seldom Right
by Norman Berdichevsky
Allah is Dead: Why Islam is Not a Religion
by Rebecca Bynum
Virgins? What Virgins?: And Other Essays
by Ibn Warraq
An Introduction to Danish Culture
by Norman Berdichevsky
The New Vichy Syndrome:
by Theodore Dalrymple
Jihad and Genocide
by Richard L. Rubenstein
Second Opinion
by Theodore Dalrymple
Not With a Bang But a Whimper: The Politics and Culture of Decline
by Theodore Dalrymple
In Praise of Prejudice: The Necessity of Preconceived Ideas
by Theodore Dalrymple
Defending The West:
by Ibn Warraq
Nations, Language and Citizenship:
by Norman Berdichevsky
Romancing Opiates
by Theodore Dalrymple
Which Koran?
by Ibn Warraq
Our Culture, What's Left of It
by Theodore Dalrymple
What The Koran Really Says
by Ibn Warraq
Life at the Bottom
by Theodore Dalrymple
The Origins of the Koran
by Ibn Warraq
Why I Am Not Muslim
by Ibn Warraq
Spanish Vignettes: An Offbeat Look Into Spain's Culture, Society & History
by Norman Berdichevsky
Leaving Islam
Edited by Ibn Warraq
The Danish-German Border Dispute, 1815-2001: Aspects of Cultural and Demographic Politics
by Norman Berdichevsky
What's Love Got to Do with It?: Emotions and Relationships in Pop Songs
by Thomas J. Scheff





Friday, 6 July 2012

Caroline Glick On Yitzhak Shamir

From The Jerusalem Post:

July 5, 2012

Yitzhak Shamir's good, great life

July 5, 2012
shamir.jpg
There was something about Yitzhak Shamir, Israel's seventh prime minister who passed away last Saturday, that made you feel shy, in awe when you stood in his presence. In his eulogy at Sunday morning's cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu noted that Shamir "didn't radiate charisma. He simply radiated inner strength."
Shamir, the diminutive, taciturn leader, was a strong man. And Netanyahu was absolutely right, Shamir's strength owed to his commitment to his convictions. What motivated him to act were not external conditions, but an internal compass, an internal call to devote his life to the Jewish people and our freedom and safety in our land.
Netanyahu began his eulogy to Shamir on Sunday morning by placing him in the context of his generation. Netanyahu said, "Yitzhak Shamir was from the generation of giants that founded the State of Israel."
There is much truth in this statement. The generation of Jews that came of age in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s and established the State of Israel confronted challenges unmatched in human history. They survived the European Holocaust. They stood down and bested the British Empire. They withstood massive terror from the Arabs and repression and betrayal from the British. They defeated the invading armies of five Arab states with a ragtag force of Holocaust survivors and farmers, with little access to arms, and almost no money.
They carved a beautiful, modern country out of the rocks and sands of a long-desolate land.
They absorbed massive waves of aliya from all over the world. They brought together Jews with diverse customs, traditions and languages and reforged a unitary Jewish people bound to one another by our common heritage, faith, resuscitated language and land - all stronger than what divided us.
They suffered agonizing losses at every turn.
But they kept moving forward, sometimes in giant leaps, usually in tiny steps. But they kept moving forward.
So it is true that Shamir's generation of Jews had more than its normal share of great men and women. But to do Shamir's memory the justice it deserves it is important not to obscure his personal greatness by bracketing him inside his generation. This is true for two reasons.
First, it was not inevitable that Shamir became a strong, dedicated, successful leader.
Many in his generation were not.
Shamir faced enormous challenges. And his most serious challenges came from his fellow Jews. People like Chaim Weizmann - whom the late Benzion Netanyahu referred to as "a disaster for the Jewish people," due to his chronic preference for British approval over Jewish national and legal rights - were more than willing to compromise away the national rights of the Jews to a state of our own in our historic homeland.
Indeed, in the years preceding Israel's declaration of independence, national sovereignty was only perceived as a viable option and reasonable goal by a minority. As Shamir said in a 1993 interview published this week by The Times of Israel, in 1945 David Ben-Gurion called for the establishment of a Jewish commonwealth, rather than a sovereign Jewish state. As Shamir put it, "It was curious that the Zionist movement officially didn't accept the slogan of a Jewish state as the aim of the Zionist movement!... Weizmann was against it....He want[ed] Jewish unity here... not a state."
LATER, DURING Shamir's tenure as prime minister in the unity government with then-foreign minister Shimon Peres and the Labor Party from 1986 to 1988, Peres sought to undermine his leadership and bring about his defeat in the 1988 elections by collaborating with foreign governments against him.
According to top secret documents from 1988 first disclosed by Yediot Aharonot's Shimon Schiffer in June 2011, Peres collaborated with then-Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak to destabilize Shamir's government. Peres also sought US assistance in subverting Shamir and fomenting his electoral defeat. Aside from that, in breach of both Israeli law and the expressed wishes of Shamir, Peres dispatched his emissary, then-Foreign Ministry director general Avraham Tamir, to Mozambique for secret meetings with Yasser Arafat.
Throughout his career, Peres, who is also a member of Shamir's generation, has distinguished himself as a politician who prefers his personal gain over that of his nation. In keeping with this consistent preference, last month Peres traveled to Washington to receive the Presidential Medal of Freedom from US President Barack Obama, at the same time that Obama rejected Israel's request to commute the life sentence of Jonathan Pollard. It is safe to say that Shamir would probably not have been offered such an award from a US president.
But it is also safe to say that had he been offered the award, Shamir would have used the occasion to publicly press for Pollard's release.
The other reason it is wrong to view Shamir as a mere product of his times is because by doing so, we effectively say that there is no point in emulating him. If he only became the person he became because he lived through the times he lived through, then his story has nothing to teach us about what it means to lead, or to live a meaningful, good life in the service of a goal greater than ourselves. And this cannot be true.
In a poetic coincidence of timing, as Netanyahu eulogized Shamir on Sunday morning, Netanyahu's immediate predecessor, Ehud Olmert, entered a courtroom in Tel Aviv for the start of his criminal trial related to the so-called Holyland Affair. Olmert is accused of taking bribes from the developers of the capital's architectural monstrosity cynically named "Holyland," during his tenure as mayor of Jerusalem. He allegedly received money and other benefits in exchange for his willingness to allow the developers to expand the size of the project to more than 10 times the size initially allocated for it.
Olmert's Holyland trial is only the latest of the ex-prime minister's legal troubles. On July 10, the Jerusalem District Court will hand down its verdict on two other corruption scandals - the Talansky Affair, in which Olmert is on trial for accepting bribes and for campaign finance irregularities, and the Rishon Tours Affair in which Olmert is accused of double billing his travel expenses.
However Olmert's legal travails pan out, the fact that he is facing corruption charges to begin with is wholly a function of his character.
Unlike Shamir, Olmert is perfectly prepared to abandon the public interest to advance his personal comfort. During his tenure as premier, rather than stand up to US pressure for Israeli concessions of land and rights to the Palestinians, Olmert preemptively capitulated.
He called for Israel to unilaterally surrender much of Judea and Samaria to the Palestinians, despite the latter's rejection of Israel's right to exist. He offered to carve up Jerusalem in his peace proposal to Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas. He continued to embrace the cause of appeasement despite Abbas's preference for peace with Hamas over peace with Israel.
So too, during the Second Lebanon War, Olmert chose to lose the war, in a vain attempt to uphold his preference for appeasement over justice and victory. To that end, he accepted a cease-fire that left Hezbollah in charge of south Lebanon. That cease-fire led directly to Hezbollah's takeover of all of Lebanon in 2007.
Olmert defends his behavior through a mixture of lies and self-justification. At The Jerusalem Post Conference in New York on April 29, Olmert claimed that the Second Lebanon War was the greatest military victory in Israel's history. Apparently he thought we had forgotten about every other war Israel has fought. So, too, Olmert claims that he had no choice other than to submit to US pressure regarding the Palestinians.
SHAMIR'S RECORD is a standing rebuke of Olmert's excuses for his failures. 
Yes, in two key instances, Shamir caved in to US pressure. He did not respond to Iraq's missile offensive against Israel during the 1991 Gulf War. And he agreed to participate in the Madrid Conference in 1991 where then-US president George H.W. Bush forced Shamir to hold negotiations on the basis of "land for peace," with the Palestinians and the Syrians.
In both cases, Shamir's acquiescence to American demands may have been unjustified. Certainly he didn't exact a high enough price for his sacrifice. 
Yet even these concessions did not change the situation on the ground. Shamir did not agree to give the Arabs any land. And during his tenure the US significantly upgraded its strategic ties with Israel.
Moreover, from the perspective of Israel's long-term viability and prosperity, Shamir exacted the greatest concession Israel ever gained from the US. He convinced Bush to stop steering Soviet Jewish émigrés to the US and away from Israel. This ensured that one million Soviet Jews made aliya. The Soviet Jewish aliya fundamentally transformed Israel's economy and demographic posture, and upgraded its strategic position. Whatever damage Israel may have incurred as a result of Shamir's concessions to Bush was likely outweighed by his success in bringing Soviet Jews to Israel.
And it is true that Shamir was never beloved or even liked by the US government or the leaders of Europe. But it is also true that during his tenure in office major countries, including China and India, renewed their diplomatic relations with Israel.
By standing up for his country, he earned the respect of the world - not just for himself, but for Israel as a whole. And in international affairs it is far more important to be respected than liked.
In his obituary for Shamir, Rabbi Shlomo Aviner explained that Shamir was a successful leader because he was intelligent and tenacious.
Aviner noted that Shamir's intelligence was hard-earned. He took the time to learn the details of every subject he had to contend with. He was a voracious reader and wanted to gather as much information as possible before he made decisions.
Shamir's devotion to learning made it possible for him to intelligently weigh the costs and benefits of various courses of action.
Aviner wrote that Shamir's tenacity was a consequence of his life experiences. He was the commander of the Stern Group (Lehi) guerrilla force in pre-state Israel. He was imprisoned and escaped, twice. He was a Mossad officer. At each stage of his life, he faced great challenges and overcame them.
And each experience steeled him for the next until he gradually became the force to be reckoned with he was as prime minister.
It is important to recognize that Shamir was the product not only of his times, but of his values and of the choices that he made throughout his extraordinary career. 
The greatest compliment one can pay another person is to say that he is a model to be emulated, and that his life should serve as an example for what a good life can and should be.
We were blessed to have had him as our leader. And his memory should be a blessing in the annals of Jewish history.
Posted on 07/06/2012 8:50 AM by Hugh Fitzgerald
Comments
7 Jul 2012
Don Phillipson

Before concluding, "We were blessed to have had him as our leader," Caroline Glick quoted Benjamin Netanyahu:  ""Yitzhak Shamir was from the generation of giants that founded the State of Israel."  I have never understood these (familiar) assessments.   As a Stern Gang member, Shamir had been arrested in 1946, escaped, and was in exile in France when Israel was founded.   Irgun and Stern Gang methods since 1940 were deplored and opposed by the official Jewish Agency leaders who actually proclaimed Israel's independence in 1948.  Notably, it appears Shamir ordered or planned the assassinations of Lord Moyne (Cairo, 1944) and Count Bernadotte (Israel, 1948), the latter for domestic political reasons. 



7 Jul 2012
Hugh Fitzgerald

After 1948, the Labor Party in Israel did a good deal to blacken the names of those who took their inspiration not from Ben Gurion but from Vladimir Jabotinsky, the writer, translator, feuilletonist, and orator (Nabokov's uncle, who heard him speak in London, said he was the greatest orator he had ever heard). It refused to give the members of the Irgun and Legi credit, for by their actions they did indeed help drive the British out of Mandator Palestine, and at the time, the British were keeping out boats laden with survivors of the camps, in some cases boarding them, as the Exodus, and even on occason beating to death the American Jewish veterans who had volunteered to be on the ships to help.

In Great Britain, Ernest Bevin was darkly warning that "the Jews should not think they can go to the head of the queue" -- this, just a year or two after all the extermination camps were discovered -- and he was especially threatening, later on, when some Israeli pilots (and one celebrated English volunteer) went up in the air in the rickety Messerschmitts that had been smuggled in from Czechoslovakia, and shot down five British planes that were in the service of the Egyptina miliatry (which then, just like the Jordanian Arab Legion, under Glubb Pasha and Alec Kirkbride, or the Iraqi Army, was trained and outfitted and in the case of the Arab Legion led, by the English).

In Mandatory Palestine, Sir Evelyn Barker, the military commander of Jerusalem, wrote to his mistress, the widow of George Antonius (author of "The Arab Awakening") that he would love to help the Arabs finish the job of "extermination" of the Jews that the Germans had not completed. His correspondence with her was discovered in Jerusalem after the Six-Day War; you can find the full text in Segev's otherwise forgettable "One Palestine, Complete."

The killing of Lord Moyne was meant to warn the British that they should stop the blockade of ships bearing Jewish refugees, a blockade which in some cases led to their deaths.

It was in this period, of utter despair, when the British government, or its Foreign Office under Bevin, and the administration in Mandatory Palestine, which was jam-packed with antisemites, because ever since the Mandate began, those who showed sympathy to the Jews, and a desire that Great Britain fulfill the commitments it had made when it assumed the role of Mandatory authority, were pushed out. One was Colonel Meinhertzhagen, former intelligence officer with General Allenby, who was sent away when, in the early 1920s, he dared to point out that British officers had egged the Arabs in the Old City on to explode in a pogrom, and did nothing to help the Jews, but instead made sure they were deprived of weaopns and, when Jabotinsky attempted to arrange for some Jewish defenders, promptly arrested him, and put him on trial, and would no doubt have sentenced him to a long jail term had not there been an international outcry. Meinertzhagen's Diary is worth reading, and not just for its account of this episode.

The other great example is Captain Orde Wingate, who tried to teach Jewish settlers, in their rural villages, who were under constant Arab attack, to defend themselves. For his pains, he was exiled to Ethiopia.

I could go on, but the tale of betrayal of the Mandate, by many in London (though Josiah Wedgewood was one of those who constantly protested), is too long. You can read about it in many places.

And to understand more fully the state of mind of the men who joined the Irgun Zvai Leumi you should consider the whole history of how the British behaved during the 1930s and 1940s. Read, for example, about the  the Macdonald White Paper of1939, which proposed that,though according to the Mandate's terms the English were required to encourage and faciliate Jewish immigration to Palestine, as they were to encourage and facilitate "close Jewish settlement on the land." deaths, , only a handful of Jews -- 15,000 a year, for five years, would be allowed in. This at a time when perhaps as many as a million Jews might have been saved -- after all, the Rumanian ports were still wide open, and remained so for several years into the war. And after that five-year period? Oh, then, according to this White Paper, the Arabs would be the ones who had the right to veto any further Jewish immigration.

If one is lacking in detailed knowledge of this period, it is easy to acquire. And if one acquires it, and has a reasonable understanding of the period, and a modicum of imaginative sympathy, then the real question becomes not why Yitzhak Shamir is or should be honored, but why the Labor Party in Israel behaved so atrociously, as it did, toward those who, in taking part in the Irgun and Lehi, did much with so little.

There were many others who never received their due, in Lehi and the Irgun. Some were killed, as was Avraham Stern, commander of the Altalena operation, by the Haganah. Other Revisionists, such as Benzion Netanyahu, eventually found the political climate in Israel so unfriendly that he left the country and took an academic position in the United States. Eliyahu Lankin, who commanded the Altalena, married the first wife of Shmuel Katz, and became a lawyer. Israel Eldad continued to write, and effectively, on the Jewish claim to the land -- much more effectively, than many in Israel's Foreign Office, hampered, as they were, with a party line and a worldview they could not shake.

It is amazing that it took such a long time for the Israelis, in the grip of the pensee unique of the Labor Party, to come -- not everyone as yet has, of course -- to a correct understanding of what happened before, and during, and after the war, with, to, and by, the Irgun and Lehi.






Most Recent Posts at The Iconoclast
Search The Iconoclast
Enter text, Go to search:
The Iconoclast Posts by Author
The Iconoclast Archives
sun mon tue wed thu fri sat
    1 2 3 4
5 6 7 8 9 10 11
12 13 14 15 16 17 18
19 20 21 22 23 24 25
26 27 28 29 30 31  

Subscribe