The Biggest Peacetime Crime—and Cover-up—in British History

One must become a tad Freudian to understand the massive psychological displacement that the left leaning British establishment has engaged in in “blaming the victims” of rape gangs.

One must also be a tad Freudian to understand that the British establishment has projected onto its critics. all the crimes of omission and commission that they have themselves engaged in to allow a group of males from a particular immigrant ethnic group to abuse the underage daughters of English people who have lived there for generations, and whose forefathers died for England and the cause of freedom during WWI and II. This makes me cry.

From the Free Press

LONDON — The grooming and serial rape of thousands of English girls by men of mostly Pakistani Muslim background over several decades is the biggest peacetime crime in the history of modern Europe. It went on for many years. It is still going on. And there has been no justice for the vast majority of the victims.

British governments, both Conservative and Labour, hoped that they had buried the story after a few symbolic prosecutions in the 2010s. And it looked like they had succeeded—until Elon Musk read some of the court papers and tweeted his disgust and bafflement on X over the new year.

Britain now stands shamed before the world. The public’s suppressed wrath is bubbling to the surface in petitions, calls for a public inquiry, and demands for accountability.

The scandal is already reshaping British politics. It’s not just about the heinous nature of the crimes. It’s that every level of the British system is implicated in the cover-up.

Social workers were intimidated into silence. Local police ignored, excused, and even abetted pedophile rapists across dozens of cities. Senior police and Home Office officials deliberately avoided action in the name of maintaining what they called “community relations.” Local councilors and Members of Parliament rejected pleas for help from the parents of raped children. Charities, NGOs, and Labour MPs accused those who discussed the scandal of racism and Islamophobia. The media mostly ignored or downplayed the biggest story of their lifetimes. Zealous in their incuriosity, much of Britain’s media elite remained barnacled to the bubble of Westminster politics and its self-serving priorities.

They did this to defend a failed model of multiculturalism, and to avoid asking hard questions about failures of immigration policy and assimilation. They did this because they were afraid of being called racist or Islamophobic. They did this because Britain’s traditional class snobbery had fused with the new snobbery of political correctness.

the epicenter was the postindustrial mill towns of England’s north and Midlands, where immigrants from Pakistan and Bangladesh settled in the 1960s. . . In Rotherham, the rundown Yorkshire city where the scandal first broke, local police and councilors were notified about systematic grooming and sex abuse by 2001. The first convictions did not occur until 2010 . . .

This pattern was repeated in as many as 50 cities across the country, including in leafy Oxford and liberal Bristol. A 2014 inquiry estimated that 1,400 girls had been serially raped in Rotherham alone.

The details are established beyond doubt in the small number of prosecutions that eventually made it to court. The suffering described in the court papers is sickening to read: The girls were drugged, beaten, sodomized, gang-raped, trafficked, and tortured.

In the age of “Say Her Name,” no one important thought it worth saying the names of these girls. The girls, their rapists told them, were “white slags,” worthless and expendable. Apart from a few whistleblowers, most of them women, and courageous journalists such as Julie Bindel, Andrew Norfolk, Douglas Murray, and Charlie Peters, the media showed no interest.

Why? Because this was the wrong kind of racially motivated crime, committed by the wrong kind of criminal.

The majority of the victims were white, plus some Sikhs. The majority of their abusers were of Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim extraction. The majority of their crimes were committed in cities with a Labour Party–controlled council and a Labour Party MP who needed Muslim votes. This led to institutional racism of the inverted kind, and that enabled the perpetrators to do as they liked.

The system itself became corrupted. Welfare workers admit that they failed to report crimes because the police told them they would be accused as racist. The leader of one rape gang in Oldham, Shabir Ahmed, worked for the local council as a “welfare rights officer” and ran his gang from the council welfare office. Another member was on the Oldham Youth Council.

In Telford in 2016, 10 members of the Labour council wrote to the Home Secretary, the Conservatives’ Amber Rudd, claiming that allegations of abuse were “sensationalized” and that there was no need for action. Two years later, an investigation by the Sunday Mirror newspaper counted some 1,000 victims. The superintendent of the West Mercia regional police “significantly disputed” the figures and said the Mirror had “sensationalized” the issue.

Nazir Afzal, who was Chief Crown Prosecutor for northwestern England between 2011 and 2015, claims that in 2008 the Home Office advised police not to prosecute grooming gang cases, because the girls had “made an informed choice about their sexual behavior.”

Elon Musk has changed the Conservatives’ political interest, so their new leader, Kemi Badenoch, is now calling for an inquiry. Prime Minister Keir Starmer is caught between his party, his voters, and—should he find them—his principles. As director of the Crown Prosecution Service, or CPS, between 2008 and 2013, Starmer secured some successful convictions against the rape gangs. But Starmer and his lawyers also failed to bring other major cases to court.

In 2009, the Starmer-led CPS dropped its prosecution of a grooming and rape gang in Rochdale, despite having DNA evidence and hours of testimony on video. When Nazir Afzal started working as a Crown prosecutor in 2011, one of his first actions was to reopen the case and reverse the CPS’s decision. In 2012, Afzal secured the convictions of nine men, eight of them of Pakistani background and one of Afghan background.

Afterward, Afzal said that “white professionals’ oversensitivity to political correctness and fear of appearing racist may well have contributed to justice being stalled.”

It is now Starmer who has a credibility issue. Maggie Oliver, the Manchester-based detective who helped to expose the abuse in Rochdale, says that Starmer is “as guilty as anyone I know” for the institutional failure to protect some of Britain’s most vulnerable children.

Starmer has yet to address the Labour Party’s historic role in this mess, or his own record of triangulating complicity. He has yet to say whether he agrees with his minister Jess Phillips that there should be no national inquiry. But now that Musk has said the unsayable about the unspeakable, there is no going back.

“No justice, no peace” is a common slogan among the activist class that chose not to act against the rape gangs. There will be no peace in Britain until the full truth is known, the law is restored, the bureaucracies are held to account, and rule by “community relations” is reversed. The Labour government will do its utmost to do its least.

Pressure from Musk has already done what the outrage of the beaten-down British people cannot do. Musk has shamed the British government into explaining itself. Next, it must be forced to act.